By: Dr Metod Berlec
After the election of Resni.ca president Zoran Stevanović in the National Assembly, the Freedom Movement was in total shock. Robert Golob was shocked as well. As the son of a well‑known long‑time director under the previous regime and during the transition period, he has been accustomed to privileges and a “silver‑spoon” life since childhood – used to everything going smoothly for him. The same was true of his business career. When it was interrupted during Janša’s third government, he entered politics out of revenge, which is not a good long‑term motivation. After Stevanović’s election, SD and Levica were also in shock, quickly realising and admitting that a centre‑right coalition was forming in the National Assembly, one that was far from to their liking.
Zoran Janković immediately noticed that Golob, as the “relative winner” of the election, had found himself in serious trouble, just as Janković himself had in 2011, when, despite being the “relative winner” of the parliamentary elections, he failed to form a left‑wing government. He miscalculated. He did not grasp that to be elected prime minister and then have a government confirmed, you need 46 votes in the National Assembly. Much like Golob today. According to our sources, Janković therefore immediately turned to the last head of the party, Milan Kučan, and a “Save Private Robert” operation began. A coordinated media offensive by pro‑government outlets was launched. At the same time, Kučan allegedly began, through Janković, urging Golob to step aside and hand over the leadership of the party, and of any potential new left‑wing government, to Alenka Bratušek, as had happened a decade and a half ago. Janković and Kučan reportedly engaged Drago Kos for an operation on “how to prevent a right‑wing government by all means.” They allegedly even hired two detective agencies that began tracking MPs from Resni.ca and the Democrats in order to pressure or bribe them into supporting a new left‑wing government. The ruling structure was said to have begun activating state institutions to move against the right‑wing opposition and any potential new coalition. First, police, prosecutorial, and judicial records were allegedly being reviewed to find incriminating material on newly elected MPs. Second, court proceedings against SDS and NSi MPs were reportedly being accelerated. Third, a meeting was said to have taken place between personnel from the National Bureau of Investigation and the Specialised State Prosecutor’s Office regarding a proposal for house searches targeting SDS and its president. Fourth, the head of the Commission for the Prevention of Corruption allegedly instructed staff to take measures against “those who want to bring us down.” Fifth, a court hearing was scheduled in the Trenta case against Janša. Sixth, relatives of newly elected MPs from Resni.ca and the Democrats were reportedly being sought out and offered benefits in exchange for supporting the government. Seventh, MPs from Resni.ca and the Democrats were said to be receiving threatening phone calls disguised as complaints from disappointed voters. Eighth, the media campaign about “marked ballots” allegedly served only as a smokescreen to conceal the supposed buying of votes.
And because all of this apparently really did begin to unfold. and because members and MPs of the Freedom Movement, bypassing the president of the Democrats, Anže Logar, were reportedly trying to force his party into a coalition agreement, Logar pulled the handbrake on Friday and publicly ended negotiations with the Freedom Movement and Robert Golob. He showed him the red card.