By: Nova24tv.si
In a recent article, Politico presented Slovenian Prime Minister Robert Golob as a key figure in Europe’s resistance against “right‑wing populism.” It is not the first time Politico has shown a strong bias in favour of the left‑leaning government, focusing primarily on criticising the right while completely overlooking the populist elements in Golob’s leadership.
The definition of populism is: “a political strategy based on appealing but often unrealistic promises, short‑term measures aimed at gaining support, and exploiting voters’ emotions at the expense of long‑term responsibility.” Yet journalist Ali Walker does not write a single word about this.
Dr Andrej Umek has previously pointed out in an analysis for our portal that populism is any movement that promises voters seemingly attractive but in reality, unachievable solutions which, in the medium or long term, cause harm, as they exploit the general public’s lack of understanding of complex processes. In the Slovenian context, he sees left‑wing populism as more widespread, which is demonstrated by the measures of the current government – for example, the adoption of a financially unsustainable budget aimed primarily at extending its mandate, or the increase in wages and transfers that temporarily boosted popularity but consequently fuelled inflation and price hikes, ultimately taking more from voters than they received. Umek criticises the media for their selectivity: while they condemn right‑wing populists such as Orbán, Le Pen, or Salvini, left‑wing populism, which promises endless expansion of the welfare state without real economic foundations, largely remains unexamined.
Similarly, political analyst Matevž Tomšič has repeatedly emphasised that the term “populism” is often used as a weapon to discredit opponents, especially those who oppose left‑wing agendas such as certain climate or migration policies. In his view, fear‑mongering about populism serves to preserve the power of the established left, which shifts responsibility for its own mistakes onto others. According to Tomšič, Golob’s government itself grew out of populist foundations – the election campaign was built on anti‑Janša sentiment, spreading fear, and promises without real substance – and this continued with new short‑term manoeuvres instead of confronting reality.
Political analyst Sebastijan Jeretič has also directly labelled Robert Golob as an example of empty populism. In his opinion, Golob is focused exclusively on short‑term vote‑gathering without regard for economic realities or the long‑term stability of the state. Among the examples he listed were the announcement of Christmas bonuses and similar measures as obvious electoral tactics, the emphasis on PR stunts instead of substantive reforms, the combination of a lavish personal lifestyle with ideologically radical left‑wing politics, and tactics aimed at segments of the public who do not follow politics closely and rely on dominant media.
The Politico article that promotes Golob as a fighter against right‑wing populism therefore deliberately overlooks the key point: the prime minister and his government themselves carry out a series of measures that independent analysts unequivocally describe as left‑wing and empty populism. Among other things, Ali Walker also seems to ignore the fact that Golob’s wife, Tina Gaber Golob, has publicly hinted at the direction in which things are heading. Let us recall that she held a bachelorette party in the style of cocaine kingpin Pablo Escobar, presenting herself in an Instagram video as a Colombian mafia princess – a move that raised questions about the consistency between her public image and private lifestyle. When we connect this with her statement from her thesis that “unfortunately, not everyone can afford cocaine” and the fact that Tina Gaber has significant influence on the prime minister – even in political matters – it becomes easy to conclude who has what intentions and who in this story is the “real populist.”