By: Vančo K. Tegov
In Slovenia, the rejection of the assisted‑dying law in the November 2025 referendum has become a focal point of political tensions, intensifying the sense of crisis for Prime Minister Robert Golob’s government.
It is a mixture of sarcasm and criticism, reflecting broader dissatisfaction with the government’s “euphoria,” unjustified of course, as well as excessive self‑satisfaction or ideological blindness, institutional inefficiency, and the search for “shelters” for cadres ahead of a possible electoral defeat. Let us look at this step by step, based on current events (as of 7 December 2025), supported by public sources.
Referendum and the “pale” Slovenian police
The referendum on euthanasia (November 2025) was the third major test for Golob’s government in recent years. The law was rejected with more than 70% of votes against, at a turnout of around 45%. It was a “miracle,” as initiator Aleš Primc described it – voters stood against the “culture of death,” as the opposition (SDS, NSi) put it. The result is at the same time a vote of no confidence in the government, according to Janez Janša and Aleš Hojs, who demand Golob’s immediate resignation.
The mention of the “pale and ineffective Slovenian police” refers to criticism of the guarding of polling stations and possible incidents during the campaign. The police were accused of passivity, especially in light of tensions around electoral districts (e.g., higher turnout in rural areas compared to urban ones, where support for the government is stronger). This is not an isolated incident – something similar happened during the referendum on artists’ pensions (May 2025), when the police were criticised for ineffective handling of protests.
“Institutional government euphoria” and the end of rule
Golob’s government (Freedom Movement, SD, Levica) is in “free fall” after the referendum: support dropped to 32% (Mediana, November 2025), while SDS leads with 20.5%. The opposition (Janša, Tonin) sees this as “the beginning of the end” – the referendum was “against the arrogance of the government,” which lost the campaign through boycotts and misleading statements (e.g., Golob’s remark about the “bad luck” of parents with immobile children).
Euphoria?
The government still “zealously” defended decentralisation and cultural projects as a “commitment to the future,” but the opposition reads this as a mask for ideological preservation of power. Support is stronger in urban centres (Ljubljana, Maribor, Celje), where the majority voted “yes,” while rural Slovenia (e.g., Gorenjska, where 71% voted against) shows “healthy common sense.”
“Parking lots” for cadres and the Ministry of Culture
Here you hit the core: “parking lots” is Slovenian political jargon for artificial jobs for worn‑out or loyal cadres, often through state institutions. After the referendum defeat, the government indeed seems to be searching for “shelters” – primarily through the Ministry of Culture (headed by Asta Vrečko of Levica).
Key example: Decentralisation in the field of culture (2025). The government established a new Cultural Institute with locations in Nova Gorica (EPK GO! 2025) and Celje. This is no coincidence – Nova Gorica was the European Capital of Culture (EPK 2025), with emphasis on “borderless heritage” (roundtable, December 2025), while Celje is a stronghold of Levica. The opposition (e.g., Bojan Požar) sees this as “bureaucratic bloating”: money for dance projects goes into administration, where “Levica supporters” are hired (two locations, several dozen new posts). Costs? Millions of taxpayers’ money, instead of family welfare.
“Ideological relatives”: Vrečko (Levica) and her associates are key – previously state secretary Kaja Širok resigned (2024), now the network is being strengthened through EPK projects (e.g., revitalisation of Nova Gorica station with the Ministry of Culture). This is a “transparent cloak of decentralisation” hiding cadre preservation of power before elections (spring 2026?).
Parking lots via the Ministry of Culture. In my view, it would be best if they stayed on gravel…
A new institute in Nova Gorica (EPK) and Celje; hiring of Levica’s “relatives.” This is not just “euphoria” – it is a sign of a rift between the government and voters, where decentralisation serves as a shield for ideological allies (Levica in Celje/Nova Gorica). Each of the aforementioned protagonists from the Ministry of Culture is in fact opening a branch of an institute, feeding off the budget in their regional strongholds Celje and Nova Gorica, both with municipal teams that are obvious supporters of the idea of “decentralisation.” The only guaranteed job is that of a building caretaker. The rest are under “who knows.” I only wish that Celje’s city councillors decide more slowly in two days and postpone this for a while.
Everyone should consider, when deciding, how long this will remain relevant and what citizens will actually gain from it.