By: Dr Vinko Gorenak
Already during the election campaign, the head of the coalition announced that fines would be returned to lawbreakers who had massively, aggressively, and violently disturbed public order and peace during Janša’s third government. And that is exactly what happened.
Between October 3 and 5, 2021, a summit of EU and Western Balkan leaders took place at Brdo pri Kranju and in Ljubljana. Leftist extremists and violent agitators made their intentions clear: with an unregistered protest, they planned to physically block the meeting using trucks, tractors, and other machinery. For the police, this was a serious security shock. They had two options: either to carry out their duties half‑heartedly, with “understanding” for violent protesters, or to take matters seriously and responsibly, ensuring the summit proceeded safely and without disruption. The latter happened. Despite aggressive and violent behaviour by the extremists, the police secured the event, contained the rioters, and defended Slovenia’s reputation – using water cannon and tear gas when necessary.
Then came the Golob government. A purge of “Janšists” followed, and 15 senior police chiefs were sent into criminal proceedings. How those cases ended, I do not know; some are said to still be ongoing.
In February this year came a shock: four field police officers received suspended prison sentences from the court, without hearings, without defense, without a main trial.
Legally this is possible, but only when there is no doubt about guilt. For example, if someone steals a valuable gold ring from a jeweler, is caught on camera, detained by a guard, and the ring seized by police, all circumstances are clear and documented. In the case of the four police officers, this was not so. Only when the convicted appeal within the legal deadline does the judgment not stand, and a full trial begins with hearings and evidence. The four officers appealed, so the judgment did not take effect.
These days, therefore, a trial is underway for all four, with evidence being presented in court. Regime‑aligned left‑leaning media report on it briefly, as if the officers were already convicted. Journalists trying to find out who the officers are receive no answers from police, prosecutors, or the court. Nor is it possible to learn what crime they are accused of or under what circumstances. The only positive detail is that the police are paying for their lawyer. At one hearing, after listening to the prosecutor and defense, the judge reportedly asked the prosecutor whether she still insisted on the indictment. She said yes, and the judge supposedly looked up at the ceiling, a gesture suggesting prosecutorial abuse and perhaps judicial reasonableness.
In my view, the four officers cannot be convicted, at least not by the Supreme Court of Slovenia or the European Court of Human Rights. Whatever they did in relation to violent protesters, they did under orders, which they cannot refuse. Moreover, intent would have to be proven, which in practice is impossible.
Ultimately, these officers defended Slovenia’s reputation in the world, and therefore deserve at least a collective decoration from President Nataša Pirc Musar, a proposal I publicly make. But under her mandate this will not happen, so my suggestion remains on hold.
These days we ask why police do not act against violent Roma. The answer is more or less clear: as long as the Golob coalition return fines to violent offenders and put police officers on trial, things will not improve, only get worse.