William Ford Jr. is 63 years old. He is the great-grandson of Henry Ford, the founder of the Ford Motor Company (1903). Although the family has 40% voting control due to the company’s two-tier share structure agreed in 1956, the company is actually run by the world’s largest management funds: BlackRock and the Vanguard Group. Similarly, other global (family) companies that have given the world well-known and famous brands, are run and managed by institutional owners, who in some places are already majority owners.
Henry Ford never wanted that. He did not like the board, Wall Street or the stock market. Until his death in 1947, he believed that the company should remain exclusively family-owned. He was a conservative and a traditionalist. His family meant everything to him. As a man who believed in capitalism and freedom, he took good care of his employees. He adhered to the principle that only a well-paid and satisfied worker is a good worker, hence he never looked for cheap labor. After the First World War, his son Edsel started to persuade him to list the company on the stock exchange so that he could expand even faster with fresh capital and loans. He turned Edsel’s proposal down because he never wanted to borrow money, biographers summarise his words by saying he would rather build new factories on his own with brick-on-brick than to leave the company to Jewish speculators. This happened only after his death.
That is why Tomislav Sunić, one of the most prominent representatives of the New Right (Nouvelle Droite), is right in principle when he says that mass migrations (and big demographic changes in the population of the West) are the desire of corporate managers (who are the main “employers” of migrants) for cheap labor – which reduces the price of labor of the indigenous (white) population.
However, the real cause must be sought in the period between the two wars, when cultural Marxists began their march. In this process, the foundations of capitalism (Western culture), such as family, religion, local communities, and education, began to disintegrate. It was the disintegration of the traditional family, which is a guarantee of stability and economic success, that led large family businesses to the hands of financial funds and banks. The latter generally do not care about the local population nor the environment, especially not about traditional values, thus they found common ground with the revolutionaries we can recognise today in NGOs, left-wing activists and groups and movements such as Antifa, LGBT or BLM. The latter quickly learned that corporate owners (the balance sheet of the 100 largest funds exceeds € 120 trillion, which is six times the US GDP) are actually their allies, as people without a healthy culture can become manageable sheep, passive consumers and obedient workers.
This leads us to an interesting paradox: cultural Marxists, who occupy most social institutions and state subsystems and present themselves as the vanguard of the civil society, have become soldiers of globalist corporate elites who suppress the immune system and adopt the most benign forms of immorality. That is why leaders such as Donald Trump, Viktor Orbán and Janez Janša, who strive to return to traditional values (including healthy family capitalism), are a thorn in their side. In asserting their truth, they choose no means, despise all who disagree with them, and anyone who doubts the stability of their sand castles built on lies is immediately labeled as a violent right-wing extremist. The irony is that they are the ones who resort to violence, which they with the greatest warmth and kindness describe as non-violent and peaceful protests. They are slowly returning to their beginning: the liquidation of heretics. They are already engraving our names to headstones. The question is whether we will not notice this and continue to walk past them happily whistling or will we do something. There is not much time left to decide.