By: Dr Metod Berlec
In this issue of the Demokracija magazine, we observe that Golob’s government, in addressing healthcare issues, relies more on “the street” than on expertise. This is vividly illustrated by the meeting of the Minister of Health Valentina Prevolnik Rupel with representatives of the so-called People’s Voice initiative led by Jaša Jenull and Dušan Keber last Tuesday.
They suggested to the minister that certain articles from the intervention law prepared by the People’s Voice initiative, led by Jaša Jenull and Dušan Keber, be included in the ministry’s intervention law. Then they were supposed to call on members of parliament, coalition partners, and the government to support this. The initiative members advocated for a greater burden on primary healthcare physicians. Even before this, some articles in the government’s intervention law hinted that those who would address healthcare problems with totalitarian measures reminiscent of Venezuela had a hand in it. The law, among other things, envisions the temporary relocation of healthcare workers, prohibition or limitation of issuing consent for work with another healthcare provider and the conclusion of service contracts, prohibition or limitation of the use of annual leave or strike, limited provision of healthcare services in public institutions, mandatory inclusion of healthcare service providers outside the network of public health services in the work of public institutions, performing an increased volume of work regardless of age or other restrictions of the Employment Relationships Act, and the inclusion of retired healthcare workers.
Certainly, the so-called “political cyclists”, street activists, or quasi-government figures do not only influence healthcare but also impact the functioning of the entire government, including appointments. This is evident in the events related to the appointment of three new ministers. Last Wednesday, the information surfaced that the most likely candidates for new ministers were Franc Props for public administration, Vojko Adamič for agriculture, and Jure Lebaen or Jože Novak for natural resources and space. However, it was enough for Nika Kovač from the Institute March 8th to voice criticism in the media against Jure Leben (and also against Boštjan Koritnik, initially mentioned as a candidate for the minister of public administration), causing Leben to be dropped from consideration. Zoran Janković and Alenka Bratušek were said to have influenced Golob’s decision as well. On Friday, Golob submitted proposals to the National Assembly for the appointment of Franc Props as the Minister of Public Administration and Jože Novak as the Minister of Natural Resources and Space. However, Vojko Adamič, who was in the running for the Minister of Agriculture, was not included in the proposals. Speculations arose that Adamič might have been withdrawn because he allegedly did not appeal to Golob’s partner, Tina Gaber. Tina Gaber was thoroughly exposed in the Tarča TV show on RTV Slovenia the previous Thursday. On Friday evening, she attracted attention again when she ceremoniously lit the Christmas lights in the capital with the Deputy Mayor of Ljubljana, Aleš Čerin. Mayor Janković ensured that the Christmas-New Year tree on Prešeren Square was named Tina.
Amid all this, the incredible haste of the ruling left coalition (with the assistance of New Slovenia) in constitutional amendments for the appointment of judges has somewhat remained in the background, which could have catastrophic effects for the future of Slovenia. According to SDS leader Janez Janša, the monopoly of the transitional left in the judiciary will be further strengthened and permanently locked. According to the new proposal, the Judicial Council should have 15 members, of which 8 would be appointed by judges themselves, and the remaining 7 would be appointed by the National Assembly with a 2/3 majority, as stipulated in a non-existent constitutional law. According to Janša, the proposed constitutional changes will further strengthen the judicial majority in the Judicial Council, and it will remain “locked”. So far, judges themselves have appointed 6 out of 11 members, and under the new proposal, they would appoint 8 out of 15. Much will also depend on the new Judicial Council law, which will require a 2/3 majority in the National Assembly. There is also a high probability that the current Judicial Council will remain in power until the new law is passed, which will suit the left coalition. This will allow them to keep the law unchanged, as the future composition of the National Assembly would find it difficult to amend it. After the adoption of the new law and the possibility of electing 7 judges in the National Assembly with a 2/3 majority, the majority will undoubtedly be from the left political option, meaning even stronger influence of the left on the judiciary. And what is essential – judges have so far been finally appointed by the National Assembly, but under the new system, this safeguard will be eliminated, as they will be finally appointed by the President of the Republic (Nataša Pirc Musar), thereby “depoliticising” the judiciary. Just like the newly “depoliticised” RTVS council, where they vote unanimously, in line, and exclusively in the interest of the transitional left…