By: Dr Matevž Tomšič
As the Golob government came to an end, skeletons began tumbling out of the closet on a large scale. At virtually every ministry, the new leadership teams uncovered numerous irregularities. Almost everywhere, significant budget shortfalls were found. In the months leading up to the elections, the ruling coalition at the time sought to secure electoral support through unchecked spending and by rewarding its own clientele. As a result, the new government will have its hands full simply restoring financially sustainable operations within its departments.
The exposure of questionable, or even potentially unlawful, practices had already begun before the elections, thanks to widely publicised recordings of conversations involving certain influential figures from circles associated with the transitional left. These recordings revealed the existence of an extensive network of corruption and clientelism. Some of the most prominent political figures, led by Ljubljana Mayor Zoran Janković, played key roles within this network. The government of the time was one of the network’s outposts, providing it with political support. Within these circles, there was considerable concern that a change in government could lead to a more determined and systematic uncovering of such practices. Consequently, they did everything within their power to prevent the formation of a fourth Janša government.
When that effort failed, they turned to obstructing the government’s work at almost every opportunity. To that end, they mobilised their entire infrastructure, including sympathetic figures in the judiciary, the media, and civil society. The familiar signatories of petitions, open letters, and referendum initiatives once again came to the forefront. We are witnessing the first public demonstrations against the government (and, if one were being cynical, one might say they took quite a while to appear). Most participants are again the “usual suspects” from Ljubljana’s left-wing cultural and NGO scene, which tends to become active whenever “their side” is not in power.
The main preoccupation of the left-wing scene at the moment is diverting attention. This is done by digging up some controversial action by a supporter of the current government and then amplifying it through the mainstream media as much as possible.
However, several leading politicians from the left-wing camp have recently found themselves in the spotlight because of matters that are highly uncomfortable for them. President Nataša Pirc Musar is facing criticism related to a recent traffic accident, as well as allegations concerning suspicious ties to a Russian friend and possible involvement of Russian intelligence services. Former Prime Minister Robert Golob has been served with an indictment proposal in connection with the Bobnar affair. Meanwhile, the home of Andrej Ribič, former chairman of the management board of DARS and a close associate of Golob, was searched last week as part of an investigation into an alleged attempt to bribe members of the Resni.ca party to support Golob’s coalition after the elections. It is entirely possible, according to the author, that these cases represent only the “tip of the iceberg” and that investigations into corruption and other unlawful acts will continue or intensify following the establishment of the new agency for combating corruption and organised crime, StKOK.
Therefore, the main focus of the left-wing scene at present is diverting attention. This is accomplished by finding some controversial act committed by a supporter of the current government and then magnifying it through the mainstream media as much as possible. A typical example, according to the author, is the failure to pay employees at the former company of Resni.ca parliamentarian Boris Mijič. This is, of course, a practice worthy of condemnation, and the competent authorities should take appropriate action. However, this once again illustrates a case of double standards. Those demanding the MP’s resignation over a debt of several tens of thousands of euros are unconcerned by the write-off of debts amounting to several tens of millions of euros owed by the Janković family, an amount vastly larger in scale. Nor are they troubled by the failure to pay subcontractors involved in the Stožice project, which was carried out under the auspices of the Ljubljana mayor. Of course, Mijič is merely a tool, a convenient target. Those who are “putting him in the pillory” are not genuinely concerned about his wronged workers. Rather, the goal is to divert attention from the actions of the transitional network and its corrupt practices. Such practices do not trouble the left-wing scene in the least. How could they if it also derives tangible benefits from them.