By: Davorin Kopše
The Slovenian political space is supposedly shaken because a few birds have flown out of the cozy nest, where some had stayed for over twenty years. The space had become too cramped for them, and the democratic values they were supposedly nurturing all along have now become a burden they wish to cast off their tired shoulders. What is democratic about wanting to align closely with those for whom democracy is foreign? They do not blink when legal principles are violated in the National Assembly, in courtrooms, or even at the Constitutional Court – they do the same themselves. Political trials drag on for decades and intensify before every election. They do not accept criticism or differing opinions, which is why they silence those who think differently. Under the guise of depoliticization, they are purging so-called Janša supporters from institutions and public organisations…
Anže Logar’s new political party, Democrats, is reportedly being formed based on the Platform of Cooperation, which he established because he felt unable to achieve his political goals within SDS (Slovenian Democratic Party). The name was carefully chosen but is considered stolen, as SDS is also registered under the shortened name Slovenian Democrats. Upon announcing his new party, Logar stated he would prioritise political collaboration with the left, calling this political breadth. However, he would only join a coalition with his former party, SDS, after the next election if it included the party with the best result from the left. He knows this is practically impossible – not because of SDS, which constantly invites various forms of cooperation, but because Logar, under the guise of inclusiveness, is excluding others, just as leftists do.
Among those with whom Logar would form a coalition are individuals who have recognised the non-existent state of Palestine. If he wishes to join a coalition with them, he will have to internalise much of their way of thinking and operating. Changing their direction is a mission impossible, nor does he seem inclined to do so. On the contrary, he will eventually have to join them in Dražgoše at the altar of revolutionaries and proud successors of the Communist Party. This is like how the Slovenian Army, against its will, is forced to stand under communist symbols – a situation I consider an unsustainable disgrace and, in my deep conviction, unconstitutional. The Constitutional Court ruled in the case of a road named after Tito that it is unacceptable to promote a regime that we have rejected. Some people conveniently forget that the Constitution states Slovenia is a democratic republic.
Given these facts, it is increasingly clear that fruitful collaboration between healthy Slovenian political forces and the left is impossible. Joining forces with the left would blur boundaries and differences, which is equivalent to betraying the values of Slovenian independence and, thus, the Slovenian nation that opted for an independent, democratic path – a path that the left increasingly undermines. Logar’s argument that collaboration is needed to avoid future protests (cycling protests) is cowardly. In 1991, tanks were sent against us, but we stood firm and defeated them! We recently celebrated their expulsion from the country through the port of Koper.
It is always worth emphasising that cooperation with leftists means accepting leftist ideology, which is increasingly socialist on a global level. A small elite on this level is clearly preparing the ground for a global dictatorship that will rule over chaotic masses deprived of human rights. But that is a topic for another time.
The takeover of SDS failed, so the attempt to weaken it follows.
A look back reveals how some actively lobbied for a leadership change in SDS against the members’ will. Several names were in the mix, including Romana Jordan, who, after distancing herself from the party, joined Logar in his latest attempt and was the first to leave the party – a move that earns her the only positive mark. The rest, led by Logar, hesitated until recently, and some may still be waiting in the shadows, seeing what will happen and whether elections are indeed near. I hope there are as few of these hypocrites as possible, though there are surely some.
The new plan of defectors, who are undoubtedly being guided from behind the scenes, is to weaken the party and, if possible, replace its political space with a new party. This will be difficult, however, due to the solid base we have built and strengthened over decades. It is hard to believe that this patriotic core would suddenly follow someone who wants to connect with or even unite with the forces of the red continuity. The self-declared leader of the yet-to-be-established Democrats party describes himself as right-wing, but based on the above, he cannot be considered as such. It is well known that from the very beginning, he has had in his ranks an orthodox leftist and former deputy president of the Social Democrats, Jernej Pikalo. Pikalo was a minister in Pahor’s government who adamantly resisted implementing a constitutional decision to equalise funding between public and private schools. The spirit of this stance still lives on strongly in the circles Logar aspires to join, and they have a similar approach to healthcare, which is collapsing because of this.
Following Logar’s announcement of his departure from SDS and the formation of a new party, the Slovenian mainstream media practically competed to give him more coverage. For several days, he was the star of news programmes and RTV Slo’s ‘obscure soap opera’ Marcel. This will continue as long as he serves as a useful idiot, harming SDS and Janez Janša while benefiting left-wing targets. But once his usefulness fades, they will discard him like a cigarette butt.
The new party will lack its own foundations
All SDS candidates signed an agreement before the elections, obliging them to return their mandates if their membership in the party ended for any reason or if they left the parliamentary group of the parent party. So far, three MPs have left SDS along with Logar, but it seems that none of them even consider honouring their written commitments. The MPs who left the party without returning their parliamentary mandates have thus broken the promise they made before the elections. They will remain MPs and enter the new party, which will then stand on borrowed foundations, adorned with someone else’s feathers.
In the past, it was formally decided that an MP leaving a party is not required to return their mandate. They cite Article 82 of the Constitution, which states that MPs are not bound by any instructions. By my personal standards of integrity, this does not hold water, since leaving a party and parliamentary group is not directly related to an MP’s work and duties, where they should indeed be independent.
The issue here is that the State Electoral Commission, after counting all votes, announces the electoral results of political parties. Individuals are placed within these results, which, among other things, means they would never have become MPs without the parties. Likewise, individual candidates would not achieve the same results on another party’s list. If MPs do not return their mandate upon leaving the party, they take a part of the electoral result with them, altering the electoral result of the political party as declared after the election. I am convinced that it is the legislature’s job to address this. A party’s electoral result should not differ by the end of the term due to ‘parliamentary hooliganism’.
We must also remember MP Ciril Pucko, who in 1996 left the Christian Democrats to join the Liberal Democracy Party, enabling Drnovšek to form a government. It is not just about mandates and government; a single MP can change the direction of the country’s development in this way. That is exactly what Pucko did, and today’s events are partly the product of his traitorous act.