By: Dr Matevž Tomšič
The wave of violent acts committed by some members of the Roma community in southeastern Slovenia is a symptom of a much broader problem: the growing lawlessness in the country. This means that laws and other generally accepted rules are not enforced equally for everyone. In other words, some people can break them more or less intensively without facing sanctions. This is a negation of one of the fundamental postulates of the rule of law – equality before the law, which requires that those who commit the same offense are held accountable in the same way, regardless of their personal circumstances. Without this, the foundations of a modern democratic legal order collapse.
Such a state of affairs is the result of inadequate functioning of institutions, especially those responsible for order, security, and legality. Primarily, we mean the police, the prosecution, and the courts. In the case of Roma issues, all failed: the police, too lenient in investigating violence and other crimes; the prosecution, insufficiently decisive in directing investigations; and the courts, too indulgent in punishing offenders.
But the lion’s share of blame for lawlessness, rising violence, and the spread of crime lies with Robert Golob’s government and its coalition. With its so‑called “depoliticisation,” it placed loyal cadres of questionable competence in key positions, reducing institutional effectiveness. This was most evident in the police. Moreover, certain measures strongly demotivated people in these institutions from performing their duties diligently.
It began with the very start of Golob’s government. One of its first promises was to erase penalties for those who violated measures to limit the spread of COVID‑19. And this promise – unlike many others – was fulfilled. This was an act of blatant political clientelism, rewarding its supporters, those who had paved the way to power with constant public demonstrations. The message was clear: breaking rules is not a problem, as long as you are “on the right side.” Thus, some Roma might have thought: if their offenses were overlooked, why not ours? After all, we are a marginalised minority.
But the matter escalated. Some police officers who maintained order at mass protests were prosecuted. Recently, proceedings began against four of them, pursued by the Specialised State Prosecutor’s Office, headed (what a coincidence!) by the mother of the youth leader of the largest ruling party. At one protest they allegedly used tear gas unjustifiably – something police forces in developed countries routinely use in similar situations. And some of the protests against Janša’s government were anything but peaceful.
Such measures immobilised the police. The ruling coalition turned it into a “paper tiger.” That is why the (non)response to Roma violence was what it was. Put yourself in the shoes of police officers intervening in incidents involving Roma. If, during their intervention, one of them were injured by the use of force, a flood of accusations would follow, left‑wing NGOs would raise an outcry, mainstream media would scream about racist crackdowns on a disadvantaged minority, and the ruling politicians would target them too, ordering their superiors to sanction them. From their perspective, it is safer not to show too much determination in interventions, otherwise they could get into trouble.
The ruling coalition now tries to minimise the problems and relativise responsibility, claiming that previous governments were also unsuccessful in solving Roma issues, and that municipalities misused funds allocated for this. But the key lies in the effective functioning of institutions. And many of them have virtually collapsed during the current government’s mandate.