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Tuesday, April 23, 2024

For Putin, a candelabrum, a bunker, or The Hague

By: Davorin Kopše

Years ago, Moscow correspondent Tit Doberšek wrote that we should be afraid of the Russians. More than obvious, many are still afraid of them. They fear them for their brutality and uncompromising imposition of their rights. It is time to change our minds and stop being afraid of them. So, I am calling for a slogan, let’s not be afraid of the Russians. People in Ukraine are moaning over the Russian military’s criminal attacks on civilian targets. It is time to stand together and look Putin’s KGB soldiers clearly in the face and order them to withdraw from Ukraine.

The desire for influence is a natural characteristic of man. The difference between people is that some want to impose their influence, while others do so with arguments. It is reasonable to accept arguments in our favour, but it is also reasonable to reject force and resist violence. The Democratic Council adopts democratic standards, where decisions are made collectively, and everyone can participate. It came to this through long processes. Unfortunately, these processes were lacking in Russia.

Russia has not received all the elements of democratisation of society and the promotion of human rights. Its path led from tsarist Russia through the Bolshevik revolution to the present day. When the Iron Curtain fell in the late 1980s, this large and naturally rich but tragically unfortunate country was taken over by individuals with their own personal interests. A member of the Soviet-era KGB political police (State Security Committee) ascended to the top of the country.

In this way, Russia and now the Russian Federation has skipped an important part of the process towards a modern society that would be oriented towards its own development and equal international cooperation. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, no other important process took place in this part of the world. It is about cleansing the society of communism. As this has not been done, the foundation of their action is still the search for external and internal enemies. All for the benefit of individuals and groups whose sole goal is to maintain influence.

The decision to attack Russia was therefore influenced by two basic factors. A totalitarian mindset that sees enemies everywhere, and a desire for influence that such a mindset always exerts by force. Putin’s deformed mind from the communist era operates on exactly this principle. In Ukraine, he sees fascists and Nazis who are not there, so he has engaged a brutal military force.

The imagination of fascism and Nazism in Ukraine, which is supposed to threaten Russia, is of course not the cause of the attack on Ukraine. This is just the reason that is necessary for the beginning of any war. Let us remember the assassination of the Austro-Hungarian Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand, which was not the cause of the First World War, but only the reason for the decision on the war already made in the background. The political reason for the attack of Russia or the Russian Federation on Ukraine is solely the desire to expand its influence – the authorities. In the background, of course, lies Ukraine’s strong potential in natural resources.

Putin’s rhetoric is the same as KUL’s rhetoric

When we consider the growing problem of neglecting the disintegration of communist influence, we cannot ignore Slovenia. The KUL coalition is connected exactly by that. Everyone in turn uses the same rhetoric as Putin and his. Anything that is contrary to their interests is fascism or Nazism. It is also the rhetoric that defends communism, the third totalitarianism of the last century. The claim is verified by a vote in the Slovenian parliament, where communist-minded people rejected a resolution condemning all totalitarianisms.

Due to this, of course, Slovenia will in no case carry out military aggression against any of its neighbours. By strengthening totalitarian thinking, however, they would be exposed to other forms of danger. It is about internal pressures on democratic standards and human rights violations that we are seeing in Russia. It is politics that expresses Putin’s same views on many issues that has openly flirted with undemocratic Russia in the past. Slovenian leftists worshiped Putin as a role model and went to Moscow for decorations and instructions.

Today, even though Slovene Russophiles have gone a little quiet, their character is reflected in the fact that the recipients of Putin’s decorations do not want to return the decorations like democratically minded people. Returning the decorations, of course, would not stop the war, but it would make sense. However, restraint in condemning aggression and “polishing” decorations also means a lot.

The hesitation is cowardly

In 2014, Putin forcibly annexed Crimea to Russia. It was a kind of test of the West. Even then, he had a plan to subjugate Ukraine, but opted for gradualism. By inciting nationalism, he caused unrest and war in Donetsk and Luhansk. He used the events he caused himself as an excuse to invade Ukraine by military force. Earlier, Russia recognised these provinces an independence, which it highlights as a basis for military intervention.

Well, it is not like that again. If that were the case, there would be no reason to attack the entire neighbouring country, where its goal is to oust the legitimate state leadership and subjugate Ukraine as a whole. So, a terrible war is unfolding before our eyes, where the aggressor does not choose his targets. Its targets are housing estates, kindergartens, schools, hospitals… this criminal machine has not achieved all its land targets, but it has a lot of dominance in the air. Even though Ukraine is also fighting for Europe and the existence of democracy, Western powers are refusing to close the airspace over Ukraine.

If we look with empathy at the terrible destructive war, the casualties between civilians and children, and the rivers of refugees, we may at some point be just as angry with Putin as we are with the reactions. Uniform sanctions against Russia are certainly effective and welcome. At some point, they will even work and bring Putin to his knees, but that is not enough. We are in a hurry; Putin must fall as soon as possible. The wait is comfortable, but it is also cowardly. When an aggressor rattles with nuclear weapons, it is a sign of his helplessness and awareness that he will lose the war.

Of course, the game is dangerous. No one denies this. The danger of nuclear war certainly exists. It has always existed. However, it is also important to know that it is difficult to decide for it. Even if Putin opted for this suicidal act, he is not the only one who can start such a war. We cannot expect an aggressive autocrat to stop on his own. When he starts killing, he will kill more and more if he is not stopped. He must be stopped by force.

Like an aggressive bully who refuses to calm down, the police stop him by force. That is why the police have the means and the authority to do so. The right to defence is enshrined in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. That is how it is and that is right. However, it is not right to cinch when action is needed. We would have achieved more with different rhetoric. The statement that we will not intervene in any way will certainly not stop the Russian military machine. If we go down this path, there is a good chance that we will have to intervene in the end anyway.

So, some analyses show that Putin will be defeated in the long run, others in the short term, and we all largely agree that he has no chance. He, too, will gain nothing with war, and we will all lose. So, what awaits him. The two dictators of the 20th century ended their adventures bitterly. Adolf Hitler in a bunker and Benito Mussolini in a candelabrum. For Putin, too, these two paths are open, and there is a third. Milosević’s path leads to The Hague. The goal of the actors in this war is destruction. How much it will be, depends on others (us), not on him.

Davorin Kopše is a veteran of the war for Slovenia, a candidate for MEP, and an active citizen.

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